In her 2010 book Rich Indians: Native People and the Problem of Wealth in American
History Alexandra Harmon addresses the historical and anthropological
stereotype that Indians in American have always become poorer due to
interaction with non-Indians primarily due to a value system that shuns
material excess. She argues instead that at every point in American history,
some of the wealthiest people in the country have been self-indentified
Indians. Since they were the overwhelming minority, they faced criticisms from
both other Indians and non-Indians who accused them of greed, hypocrisy, and
even of not being real Indians. On the other side, these wealthy individuals
usually insisted that they were using their money morally by distributing much
to the poor and not spending any more than they needed. Faced with incredible
obstacles on either side, their wealth seldom lasted more than a generation or
two. Using a combination of anthropological research, newspaper articles, and
personal papers, Harmon successfully demonstrates that the relationship between
Indians and economic advancement is not as clear as many historical accounts
suggest.
Harmon
begins her text with an account of the economic state of the Powhatan
confederation in Virginia at the founding of Jamestown in the early seventeenth
century. This chapter, though interesting was one of the more troubling in her
book. Harmon, in her introduction, suggests that “the attention of this book to
Indian views of Indians”
is rare and one of its most important contributions to existing literature. By
insisting on beginning her narrative at Jamestown, she almost guarantees that
she will fail at this particular goal. Due to a lack of written sources, she relies
mainly on colonial writings combined with general anthropological theory on the
Indians of this region. Though this makes this chapter slightly less credible
than her later ones since her assertions regarding Indian ideas of wealth are
primarily speculative, she does show that the Powhatan had definite concepts of
wealth and power. She uses colonial writings to show that while the Powhatan
did of course value food, metal tools and pelts, they also stock piled more
recognizable forms of wealth like high quality animal skins, pearls, antimony,
and copper. These goods, usually offered as tribute to leadership would ensure
that the people were provided for during times of need. The leader,
Wahunsonacock, seemed to benefit immensely from his first interaction with
settlers, receiving tribute of furniture, cloth, copper and pearls, while
sending gifts of food to the starving colonists. In fact, his wealth was so
great compared to the settlers that he was frequently accused of greed. Though
settlers sent tribute only intermittently, between the dozens of Anglo-Powhatan
wars, Wahunsonacock remained extremely wealthy his entire life. His daughter
even married an English gentleman, an acknowledgement of his own high standing.
However, his son was not able to maintain relations with the settlers who no
longer dependant on the Powhatan drove them from their land.
Harmon’s
second chapter was perhaps the most interesting. She takes biographical
sketches of a few very wealthy and powerful Indians and uses them as lenses to
examine the problems associated with wealth. She shows that for people like
Joseph Brant, Molly Brant, Alexander McGilliray and Mary Bosomsworth, their
English education and literacy combined with their wealth and appreciation for
luxuries put them in an unusual place during the eighteenth century. All of
these people of course had close associations with non-Indians early in their
lives which may have impacted their economic goals. Bosomsworth and McGilliray
had non-Indian fathers; Molly Brant was married to a non-Indian who helped
foster her younger brother Joseph. However, they insisted that speaking as
leaders of their nations, they were owed funds by the English which they
distributed for the sake of their people. They were accused of overstepping in
many instances. Though all were criticized by non-Indians, McGilliray also
faced resistance from his fellow Creeks, who did not approve of those “crassly
concerned with accumulating more wealth.
Additionally, due to their education, parentage and Bosomsworth’s spousal
choices, they were accused of not really being Indian, hence their interest in
wealth. However, in each of these cases, an individual became wealthy, powerful
and influential, but their position did not really extend past their children.
Harmon’s
next two chapters each address the Five Tribes, first antebellum, then during
the gilded age. She discusses how before relocation some wealthy members of the
Cherokee Nation have very large tracts of successful farmland. These men
generally supported the rest of their community but also accepted money from
the US Treasury. As part of his strategy to force federal involvement in Indian
affairs, Jackson claimed that the wealthiest people among the Five Tribes were
mostly “White citizens of the tribes” who were not protecting and supporting
the “poor, unsophisticated Indians.”
However, Cherokee leaders such as John Ross and Elias Boudinot countered
Jackson’s accusations and in their pleas for further financial support assured
non-Indian audiences that they lived by “ethical standards that White Americans
promoted but did not always observe.”
In her chapter on the gilded age, Harmon asserts that around the country more
and more Americans became obsessed with wealth accumulation. In the Oklahoma
Territory, the Cherokee and Creek nations experienced unprecedented wealth particularly
due to cattle ranching and railroad speculation. Though these men never were as
wealthy as many New England millionaires, they still have annual incomes of
over a million dollars. However they were again accused of greed by fellow
Indians and by non-Indians who still observed many Indians in poverty. Their
solution was allotment and some formerly wealthy and educated men who did not
register found themselves out of all of their land and money.
Staying in
Oklahoma, Harmon next addresses the Osage Oil Owners from the beginning of the
nineteenth century. During the 1920’s the Osage were actually the wealthiest
people per capita in the world with an average annual income of about forty
thousand dollars. This presented a problem as typical of any population who
suddenly receive a great deal of wealth, the Osage began to spend it on what
seemed like frivolous things like cars, jewels and other extreme luxuries. This
orgy of spending was criticized widely by newspapers who accused Indians of not
“Planning in advance”
as well as not understanding what to do with money. They viewed the large
parties-held outside, cars-used to carry pigs, and jewelry-worn with
traditional clothes as evidence that wealth did not make Indians civilized.
Likewise, more and more Osages were becoming wealthy as mixed bloods soon over
populated the full bloods. This created arguments among several Indians and
whites together about how Indian one must be to reap the benefits of Osage oil.
However, this wealth did not bring them power as equally the US BIA decided to
restrict the amount of money that that the Osage could receive in order to stop
their immoral spending behavior.
Harmon’s
final two chapters address reclamation and then casinos. “Riches Reclaimed” is
perhaps the most puzzling chapter in this book as did does not really address
that sort of wealth from the rest of the book. This chapter instead addresses
the growing realization that Indians in the twentieth century were generally
quite poor and that reservations were generally impoverished with low life
expectancy. It also addressed the war on poverty in the 1960’s and the initial
hopes that Indians would be one of the targeted populations, before leading
into the sovereignty movement. Indians nations began receiving tracts of land,
larger oil revenues, as well as water, fishing and hunting rights. Though
controversial among many non-Indians, again making accusations of greed these
actions, while somewhat enriching the nations, did little to actually create personal
wealth. Indeed, though many nations benefited from these changes, few
individuals actually became wealthy as a result. Her chapter on casinos again
addresses how, in the 1970’s tribes began to build casinos, skirting around
state law. These casinos, since they were not subject to the same sorts of
taxes and regulations as non-Indians one in Atlantic City or Nevada, were
extremely successful. However, echoing the arguments of history, non-Indians
have accused the owners of greed and misspending. Indians have likewise made
the same accusations. Many point out that those who benefit most from casinos
look more white than anything else. Harmon shows that the conflict over Indians
and casinos is not a new problem.
Harmon’s
text is very interesting on many fronts. First, she is telling generally
familiar stories to the reader, simply examining then in the light of the
morality associated with wealth for Indians and non-Indians. She shows that for
Indians, attaining wealth was complicated. If they remained poor, they were
condemned for non-assimilation, ignorance and laziness, yet in these cases,
when they became wealthy they were accused of being greedy and not even really
being Indian. They were also accused by fellow Indians of these same things.
They on the other hand, insisted that they were only taking what they had a
right to, that they were generous with their neighbors and that they were not,
unlike white Americans, concerned with stockpiling wealth for its own sake.
This attitude reflects similar morality preached by wealth white Americans.
What person would insist that they did not deserve their wealth and that they
were not generous to the poor? After all, most white Americans in history have
been Christian, a religion which likewise urges people to reject materiality. However
the most interesting point in her books comes in the conclusion. Harmon
suggests that most people think that Indians should be too noble and connected
with non-material things to want wealth. However, there is not much noble able
passively starving and dying of illness. Additionally, Indians are not fools-of
course they will not reject something that is beneficial to them. Otherwise,
even in the beginning with the Powhatan in Jamestown or the Creeks in GA,
Indians would have not bothered to even bring food to the intruding colonists.
Harmon, Alexandra. Rich Indians: Native
People and the Problem of Wealth in American History. Chapel Hill:
University of North Carolina Press, 2010. Print. p.10
